EDITORIAL: What Type of Election Have the Opposition Proposed?

By Dawan Africa - Reporter

At a dinner event marking the closure of the 6th session of the 10th Parliament, held on February 21, 2020, at the Prime Minister’s office, with less than a year remaining in Farmaajo's term, the president summoned his Prime Minister, Khaire, to read the electoral law passed by parliament to the Somali people via live streaming. Afterward, Farmaajo signed the law in front of both the dinner attendees and the public watching the broadcast. Farmaajo’s attempt to implement the indirect election system was rejected by the opposition, and as a result, he was forced into a tent, where he eventually lost. However, five years later, the opposition now demands the implementation of this law, recognizing it as the key to ensuring free and fair elections.

The five main points in the opposition’s statement, issued on May 31 in Mogadishu, clearly outline the type of election they propose, summarized as follows:

1. No to the Indirect Election of 2022: The opposition firmly rejected the idea of returning to the indirect election held in 2022, which was dominated by regional state leaders, particularly in selecting MPs. This turned what should have been an election into a selection process. This system excludes the opposition from participating in the electoral process in Mogadishu, although they are likely to accept the presidential election process taking place in the tent. Their explicit position was unexpected, especially since it directly contradicted the desires of Deni and Madoobe. This point is believed to have been the reason why these two leaders did not attend the opposition meeting in Mogadishu.

2. Amendments to the Constitution: The opposition insists that the election should be based on the 2012 Constitution, without any amendments. They do not agree to any changes made to the constitution for the purpose of conducting elections. This is a very clear stance.

3. Political Party Laws Passed by the Ninth Parliament: The opposition disagrees with the current government’s political party law, which limits the number of political parties to three. The law passed by the previous parliament did not impose such restrictions. This is the primary reason the opposition demands the implementation of the earlier law, despite the fact that the two laws were passed during different terms of President Hassan Sheikh.

4. The Ninth Parliament’s Election Committee: The committee formed during Hassan Sheikh's previous term was limited to overseeing federal elections, while the new committee has the authority to oversee elections at all three levels of government.

China, Ethiopia Pledge Deeper Strategic Partnership During Wang Yi Africa Visit

Ruto’s Othaya Charm Offensive: Navigating Mt Kenya’s Shifting Political Tides

5. The Tenth Parliament’s Election Law: The election law passed by the Tenth Parliament was based on voters casting their ballots for the MP candidate they supported. Under the new law, voters cast their ballots for political parties, not individual candidates. The party then determines which candidate will represent them, meaning voters no longer know exactly who they are voting for. Both election types are based on the 4.5 clan-sharing system, but the previous law focused on the regional aspect, while the new one removes that element entirely.

In summary, the opposition seeks to hold the election that Farmaajo failed to organize, which he sought a two-year extension to implement but was rejected. With less than a year remaining in the presidential term, the question arises: Will government agencies be allowed an extension to implement the election, or is this a case of "A rightful statement turned into oppression," as said by Ali bin Abi Talib? Can Hassan Sheikh be satisfied with backing out after three years of constitutional reforms and all the related laws?